The Wannsee Conference
Having launched the deportation process in Germany in October
1941, the RSHA soon found itself facing a number of practical problems. Careful co-ordination of various agencies - police, finance, and
railway departments - both within Germany and in the occupied countries, was required if thousands of Jews were to be transported to
Poland. Accordingly in November 1941 Heydrich invited senior officials from several agencies to discuss logistical and other matters. The
Wannsee Conference, initially planned for December 1941, was
finally held on 20 January 1942. Most of the representatives were top
civil servants: 7 of the 15 participants held doctoral degrees. The
meeting, chaired by Heydrich and lasting only 90 minutes, formulated common procedures whereby all of Europe's 11 million Jews were to be rounded up and 'resettled' in the east. The Conference
also established the principle that those who were considered fit
should be given temporary reprieve and set to work (effectively to
death) in labour gangs. The fate of the unfit was not discussed
directly, but the implication was clear: they were to be massacred
straight away. The Conference minutes, prepared by Eichmann and
edited by Heydrich, had a relatively wide circulation and did not
therefore spell out extermination: instead they used terms like
'legalised removal' and 'resettlement'. However, those attending the
Conference certainly realised that 'resettlement' meant extermination, one way or another. At his trial in 1960, Eichmann was rather franker about the Conference than he was in the minutes: 'the
gentlemen ... talked about the matter without mincing their words.
... The talk was of killing, elimination and liquidation.'
The significance of the Wannsee Conference was not that it was the
starting point of the Final Solution: that was already underway. It was,
however, the moment when it was endorsed by a broad segment of the
German government (and not just the SS). The Conference also
helped dot the 'i's and cross the 't's of procedures, ensuring that by
the spring of 1942 the extermination programme was turned into a
quasi-industrial process for the efficient destruction of human beings.
Interestingly the Wannsee Conference (and further conferences on
this matter) failed to agree on the status and treatment of the
Mischlinge (the half-Jews), with the result that most Mischlinge were not
deported. Hitler probably did not think pursuing the matter was
worth the discontent it would cause among the Aryan relatives of
those involved.
Operation Reinhard
The mass gassing of the Jews in the General Government (which gathered momentum in 1942) is usually known as Operation Reinhard - after Reinhard Heydrich (who was assassinated by Czech partisans in May 1942). Belzec was the first functional Operation Reinhard camp. The camp commandant, Christian Wirth, and several of his staff had previous T-4 experience. Constructed in a remote forest,
Belzec was linked by a railway line to the Jewish ghetto at Lublin, 75 miles to the north. The 162-acre camp, enclosed by barbed wire, was divided into two parts. Camp 1 contained a reception area with two barracks - one for undressing and the other for storing clothes and
luggage. Camp 2 contained the three small gas chambers, all in one
building. A path - known as the 'tube' - 2 metres wide and 57 metres
long, bordered on both sides by a wire fence, linked the two camps.
Wirth tested his equipment successfully in February 1942 on several
hundred Jews, and Belzec opened officially in March. Sobibor, a 100
miles to the north and an enlarged version of Belzec, started operations in May 1942. Franz Stangl (pictured in a Düsseldorf prison where he was serving a life sentence. The picture was taken shortly before his death in 1971), who had served at the Hartheim euthanasia centre, was appointed camp commandant. In July 1942 Stangl moved on to command the even larger camp at Treblinka, 75
miles north-east of Warsaw. Each camp had a guard contingent of
about 100 Ukrainians. But the main staff consisted of about 30 SS
men, most of whom were T-4 veterans.
While responsibility for clearing the ghettos and for organising the
transportation to the death camps lay with the SS, the Jewish councils
had the job of finding people for 're-settlement'. (Warsaw had to
supply 10,000 a day from July 1942.) At first many Polish Jews, accepting the German promise of a better life in the Ukraine, were reasonably happy to be transported. But once rumours of the fate that awaited the deportees filtered back to Warsaw and elsewhere, securing volunteers became much harder. Nevertheless, thousands of Jews
were daily rounded up (mainly by Jewish police) for transportation.
The transportation experience was horrific. Families were usually
separated and as many as 150 people crammed into closed freight cars, without food, water or toilet facilities. Sometimes hundreds died
en route - suffocated, dehydrated or trampled to death. Anyone
trying to escape from the trains was shot. On a typical day, transports
carrying as many as 25,000 Jews made their way to the death camps.
Once the transports arrived at Belzec, Sobibor or Treblinka (pictured: plan of the camp as prisoner Samuel Willenberg remembered it; click here to enlarge), the
camp authorities aimed to kill all but a few of the deportees within
two hours. As soon as the trains stopped, the deportees were hurried
out by shouting guards. The deportees, save a few selected to serve as
work-Jews, were then quickly marched to Camp 1. Here they were
usually given a welcoming speech, reassuring them that they had
arrived at a transit camp, from which they would be sent to the
Ukraine. Males and females were then separated and herded into
barracks to undress. Women and girls had their hair shorn, supposedly to stop the spread of head lice. (In reality, the hair was used for
several purposes, including making socks for U-boat crews.) Then, the
victims (usually the men first) were forced to run down the 'tube',
urged on by guards wielding whips and clubs, to the building signed
'Baths and Inhalation Rooms'. (The entrance to the 'bathhouse' at
Treblinka was flanked by pots of geraniums.) The victims were now
pushed into tiled chambers with fake shower nozzles. At Treblinka
each chamber measured about 3.6 by 8.2 metres and could hold more
than 400 victims. Once the room was full, the heavy door was closed
and a diesel engine pumped in carbon monoxide gas. After 30
minutes, the engine was switched off, the doors opened, and the
Jewish 'death brigade' (or Sonderkommando) had the job of clearing
the chambers.
Initially, the bodies were dumped in enormous burial ditches.
However, the burial process soon proved inadequate. At Treblinka,
for example, between 23 July 1942 and 28 August 1942 some 268,000
Jews are thought to have been gassed. (Stangl testified after the war
that the camp could kill 1,000 people per hour and often worked a 12-hour day.) In consequence, corpses were soon stacked everywhere. At Sobibor and Belzec, difficulties developed after burial. Swollen by
heat and putrefaction, the bodies in the mass graves heaved so
violently that they split the ground, creating a terrible stench.
Eventually the camp authorities found that cremation was a much
more efficient method of disposing of the dead. At Treblinka bodies
were placed on steel girders over enormous open fires which were
kept burning permanently.
While most of the victims of Operation Reinhard were Polish Jews,
Jews from Germany and western Europe were sometimes transported
to the three death camps. The systematic round up of Jews began all
over the German empire in the spring of 1942. Told they were to be
resettled in the east, Jews from western and central Europe were
allowed to take some of their personal belongings with them and
often travelled in proper railway cars. (Their journey, while longer,
was thus less harrowing than that of Polish Jews.) At Treblinka the
authorities created a fake train station to maintain the fiction that the
place was merely a transit camp. Large signs indicated such non-existent amenities as a restaurant and ticket office.
Although the Operation Reinhard camps were simply death camps,
a semi-permanent Jewish work force of as many as 1,000 inmates was
employed in the various stages of the killing process. There were
teams of specialist hair cutters, extractors of gold from teeth, and
burial/cremation units. Most work-Jews found that their reprieve
from death seldom exceeded a few months. Poorly fed and frequently
flogged, they suffered from dysentery and typhus. Anyone showing
signs of sickness or weakness was likely to be sent to the gas chambers.
Stangl, first the Sobibor and then the Treblinka commandant, was a
devoted family man and a devout Catholic, yet seems to have felt little
sympathy for the victims. 'That was my profession', he said after the
war. 'I enjoyed it. It fulfilled me.' Stangl's second in command at
Treblinka, Kurt Franz, was described by (the very few) survivors as a
sadist. A veteran of Buchenwald concentration camp and the T-4
programme, he trained his dog Barry to attack the genitals of his
victims.
By the end of 1942 Himmler's goal of exterminating all the Polish
Jews had been largely achieved. In December 1942 Belzec closed its
gas chambers and the pace of killing at the other death camps slowed.
The gas chambers at Auschwitz were now adequate to kill the rest of
Europe's Jews. Globocnik's appointment to the post of SS leader in
Istria in August 1943 marked the effective end of Operation
Reinhard. By the end of November 1943, all the Operation Reinhard
camps had been dismantled and the remaining work-Jews shot.
Painstaking efforts were taken to obliterate every trace of the camps:
the buildings were razed, the ground ploughed and pine trees
planted. By the autumn of 1943, some 500,000 Jews are thought to
have died at Belzec; 150,000-200,000 at Sobibor; and 900,000-1,200,000 at Treblinka. In November 1943 Himmler wrote to
Globocnik as follows: 'I would like to express to you my thanks and
appreciation for the great and unique service which you have
performed for the whole German people by carrying out Operation
Reinhard.'
Economic Considerations
The Operation Reinhard killings had a serious impact on Germany's
war effort. The transportation of Jews to the death camps added extra
pressure to Germany's railway system and hindered military transportation. More importantly, the killing affected Germany's potential labour pool. By 1942, the German empire was suffering from a
desperate shortage of labour. German authorities in the General
Government, as well as some Nazi ministers, realised that the killing
of Jews was damaging Germany's industrial production, and argued in
favour of retaining at least those Jews essential in terms of the war
effort.
Some SS officials shared the economic concern. This was partly
because the SS itself owned factories in the General Government and
was a large employer of Jewish labour. By hiring out Jewish workers to
firms on a daily basis, the SS also acquired a huge income. As a result
of protests by the army, industry, civilian authorities and the SS, there
were phases during which the extermination programme was slowed
to permit the exploitation of Jewish labour, in line with the policy
agreed at Wannsee. Hitler, however, usually discounted economic
factors. In the autumn of 1942 he ordered the evacuation of even
those Jews, in reserved occupations, who played a vital role in the war
effort. Nevertheless, in 1941-2 two camps - Majdanek and Auschwitz -
began to serve a dual purpose. On the one hand they were extermination centres: on the other they were labour camps in which Jews
received a temporary stay of execution.
Primarily a labour camp for Poles and Russian prisoners, Majdanek
(near Lublin) also contained at various times a large number of Jews.
Some 60,000 of the 200,000 people who died at Majdanek were
Jewish. In general, Jews were treated far worse than other prisoners.
Inflicting cruelty on Jews was a semi-official policy of the camp and
working the Jews to death seems to have been a more important aim
than economic productivity. Jews were often ordered to perform
useless tasks calculated to exhaust and shatter the health of even the
strongest. The death rate for Jews was thus much higher than for non-Jews. In November 1943, the surviving Jews in Majdanek were shot as part of an operation code-named 'Harvest festival'.
...cont.